USC Study
Examines The Issue
Of Privatized Public Water Service
A briefing
paper on a new report
by the University of Southern California
prepared
by the Association of California Water Agencies
December 1996
Successful privatization
efforts, such as Britain's sale of British Air and Rolls Royce to
private sector companies, are touted by some pro-privatization scholars
and politicians as examples of what could be accomplished by the
privatization of public utilities, such as water service.
Now a new research paper by Stephen P. Morgan, D.P.A., and Jeffrey
I. Chapman, Ph.D., of the University of Southern California School
of Public Administration, Sacramento, debates some of the common
assumptions - for example, "government bureaucracies are inefficient,"
"the private sector is naturally more efficient" - behind
the privatization of public water service.
The paper, titled "Issues Surrounding the Privatization of
Public Water Service," states that since the Progressive Movement
began its effort to "modernize" local government at the
turn of the century, public sector reformers have pushed reform
measures aimed at making government more businesslike. Since 1955,
the federal government has issued a series of directives urging
its agencies to look to the private sector before initiating any
efforts to "...provide a commercial product or service if the
product or service can be procured more economically from the private
sector."
Without competition,
the private sector does not function efficiently. Prices are allowed
to rise because buyers have no alternative
to compare.
In January 1996,
the Reason Foundation released a report calling for the privatization
of water. Called "Restructuring America's Water Industry: Comparing
Investor-Owned and Government-Owned Water Systems," the report
concluded, "California and other states should adopt policies
which encourage the termination of government [production of water
service]."
After reviewing over 45 studies, papers and books on the topic of
public utility privatization, the USC study concluded that many
services are not suitable for privatization, and in those instances
when privatization might benefit utility customers, local government
should often continue to be involved.
Specific conclusions of the paper include:
- Private sector
companies work well in competitive environments, but do not perform
as well when competition is absent, such as in industries where
natural monopolies occur.
- Utility functions,
such as water service, are natural monopolies, where it is expensive
and inefficient to have more than one service provider in a given
geographic area.
- The regulation
of private sector companies operating in a natural monopoly can
lead to inefficiencies.
- The public
sector is often more sensitive to public needs such as quality
of life and equity of service.
Public Sector
vs. Private Enterprise
There is a tendency
to assume that the private sector is a naturally efficient, responsive
deliverer of products and services, and that the public sector is
naturally bureaucratic and inefficient. In truth, the two sectors
exhibit different strengths and weaknesses.
While the private sector is motivated to maximize earnings for its
shareholders, the public sector has the dual responsibility of providing
equitable and responsive service to all its citizens while spending
tax dollars and fees wisely.
Because monopolies
create inefficiency in the private sector, private water service
may lead to market failure. The public sector is at its best when
addressing market failures such as those that occur in monopolistic
situations.
Competition
is essential for the private sector. The discipline of a competitive
marketplace provides the incentives private business needs for efficient
production of quality goods and services at low prices. To succeed
in a competitive environment, sellers must make sure the price and
quality of their products are comparable to those offered by competitors.
The more competitive a market is, the stronger the incentive is
to be as efficient as possible.
The private sector has little incentive to function efficiently
without competition. As a result some sort of regulatory body must
intervene to maintain low prices and high quality. Regulators are
not as effective at holding down prices as a competitive marketplace.
Water supply is considered a "natural monopoly" because
it has the following characteristics: it is capital intensive (having
significant fixed costs); it is viewed as a necessity (or essential
to the community); it is non-storable (yet subject to fluctuating
demands). For example, it is not economical for multiple companies
to run parallel pipelines into the same neighborhoods since the
prohibitive costs of doing so would more than offset any advantage
customers might gain by being able to choose their own water supply
provider.
A natural monopoly does not support efficiency in the private sector
because there is no market to impose price and quality sensitivity
on a product. On the other hand, if the public sector provides these
services, rates are set by elected officials who are accountable
to the voters of the community. If they are to continue to hold
office, they must respond to citizen interests, which include access
to information, low rates and responsiveness.
It must be acknowledged that government is not perfect. Parallel
to the concept of market failure, for example, is the concept of
government failure. There are three basic reasons why government
may be inefficient: problems that are inherent in a direct democracy;
problems inherent in representative government; and problems inherent
in bureaucratic supply.
Limits to Regulation
Private water
utilities are accountable to two groups, neither of which directly
represents their customers. First, they are accountable to shareholders,
whose interest is in maximizing profits and who likely do not live
in the communities served. Second, they are accountable to a public
regulatory body whose purpose is to represent the interests of the
citizens, but may be hundreds of miles away from the service area,
and often provides a poor substitute for marketplace discipline
or ballot box accountability.
Private water
companies are accountable to shareholders, whose interest is in
maximizing profits, and regulators, who may be hundreds of miles
away from the service area.
Regulation is
imperfect for a number of reasons. The most important of these reasons
is that in private sector settings, regulators tend to become "captured"
by the industries they control because they are reliant on these
industries for much of the information they need to do their job.
Also, regulators set prices without the natural pressures of a competitive
marketplace. Regulators usually follow two approaches to protect
consumers from unfair rates: rate-of-return price setting, or price
regulation. Rate-of-return allows utilities to cover their legitimate
costs and pass along a reasonable profit to their shareholders.
Unfortunately, because costs can be passed through to customers,
it is in the interest of the utilities to justify costs rather than
contain them. Since the companies provide information which documents
their cost, it is often relatively easy for them to justify higher
fees.
Price regulation sets an allowable price for a specified period,
and therefore is supposed to reward operators who increase the efficiency
of their systems with higher profits. In Great Britain, however,
where a version of price regulation is being tried, it has been
demonstrated that there is a fine line between cutting costs and
cutting corners. Companies can delay required maintenance in order
to receive short-term profits, then argue for increased rates to
cover suddenly-critical maintenance requirements. The British example
also has shown that regulators may reconsider prices before the
end of the fixed term, which makes this system untenable because
companies must have confidence in their income stream if they are
to make long-term investments.
There must be a regulatory body no matter what type of regulation
is applied. The 1996 Reason Foundation report suggested agencies
like California's Public Utility Commission provide alternatives
to the democratic access citizens have with locally elected water
boards. The regulatory alternative is an inferior one, however,
because these agencies often meet hundreds of miles from the customers'
service area. Additionally their commissioners are appointed, not
elected; and rate proposals are but one of many decisions made each
year. Conversely, rate change decisions are among the most significant
for locally elected water boards.
Comparing Public
and Private Sector Water Utilities
A series of
studies, conducted over the past 25 years, has compared private
and public sector utilities working in similar monopoly environments.
These studies have failed to show efficiency advantages for private
firms, and in fact, frequently show greater efficiencies for government-owned
utilities. John D. Donahue has summarized the findings of major
studies comparing the relative efficiency of public and private
water companies as follows:
Water
Supply Efficiency
| Study |
Conclusion |
|
|
| Mann and
Mikesell, 1976 |
Public
sector more efficient |
|
|
| Crain and
Zardkoohi, 1978 |
Public
sector more efficient |
Bruggink,
1982 |
Public
sector more efficient |
| Feigenbaum
and Teeples, 1983 |
No significant
difference |
|
|
| Feigenbaum,
Teeples and Glyer, 1986 |
No significant
difference |
|
|
| Byrners,
Grosskopf and Hayes, 1986 |
No significant
difference |
|
|
| Teeples
and Glyer, 1987 |
No significant
difference |
|
|
(Donahue, The
Privatization Decision: Public Ends, Private Means, 1989)
The British
Experience
The 1996 Reason
Foundation Report used the privatization of Great Britain's water
system to illustrate the positive potential for such an undertaking
in this country. However, the British experience with water privatization
has been considerably less than successful; in fact the Wall Street
Journal termed it "a disaster." Selling the water system
to privately owned monopolies proved the hypothesis that market
failure can result from such actions:
- Prices have
risen an average of 77 percent - much more in some cases.
- Salaries
of executives at newly privatized utilities are many times higher
than those of their public sector counterparts.
- In some areas,
private companies have not been able to meet demand during a drought.
In other areas, rationing has been imposed not because of drought,
but because as much as 37 percent of the water supply is lost
through leaks in the system.
- Companies
have sent out bills more than two years in arrears, then illegally
threatened to turn off the water of customers who fail to promptly
pay.
High prices,
low quality and inefficiency are not just textbook theories of monopolistic
behavior. They are the daily realities of the British water privatization
experience. The Wall Street Journal wrote:
Six years
[after privatization], is efficiency up? Ask the thousands who can't
water their roses. Prices down? Ask the millions whose bills have
doubled. Competition? Not unless you count Perrier.
It seems the
only people who have benefited from the privatization of the British
water system are the shareholders of private firms. The government
sold the system for $8 billion in 1989, but shares in the private
companies are now worth $20 billion collectively. That makes it
unlikely the British government could take back the water system,
even if its citizens demanded it.
Checklists
Great Britain
might have avoided these difficulties if decision-makers there had
employed any of the privatization checklists compiled by several
different authors. These checklists suggest the true magnitude and
complexity of the privatization issue, as evidenced by these questions
regarding privatization posed by Elizabeth Hill, director of California's
independent Legislative Analyst's Office:
- What are
the goals and objectives of privatization: coping with short-term
financial problems, or gaining long-term effectiveness and efficiency?
- What is the
proper form of the privatization? Who will be responsible for
policy-making? Funding? Administration and oversight? Service
delivery?
- Are the conditions
right to privatize, with competition/contestability, abundant
information and no free-riding problems? If not, privatization
may lead to higher costs and deteriorating service.
- What are
the potential problems and risks of privatization? Have accountability,
the accuracy of cost comparisons, quality control and other considerations
been fully analyzed?
- What remedies
will the government have if the privatization turns out to be
less desirable than initially promised?
These questions,
and many more detailed in the Morgan and Chapman study, should be
asked and answered when any policy-making body is considering privatizing
water utility services.
Conclusion
Government must
not be considered the institute of last resort. It plays an important
role when the market cannot or does not respond to the needs or
priorities of a community.
Myths about the relative efficiency of the private sector and the
public sector make no contribution to a thoughtful discussion of
the potential benefits of privatizing government service. The reality
behind these myths is that private firms are better suited to a
competitive environment - not because they are "naturally superior,"
but because market forces require them to be efficient. However,
government may be better suited to provide service in the environment
of a natural monopoly.
Prices tend to rise, quality goes down and inefficiencies abound
in a monopolistic environment - not because the private sector fails,
but because incentives to perform otherwise are absent. Additionally,
rate-of-return regulation provides no incentive to contain costs
further discouraging firms from being efficient. Regulation is intended
to limit the negative effects of monopoly on private enterprise,
but it is not as effective in holding down prices as a competitive
marketplace or the ballot box.
Government, on the other hand, must not be considered the institute
of last resort. Rather, it plays an important corrective role when
the market cannot, or does not, respond to the needs or priorities
of a community.
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